Letter sent by Ato Gebru Asrat to the people and Council of Tigrai
(Unofficial Translation)
Esteemed people of Tigrai!
Esteemed members of the Council of Tigrai!
First, I would like to express my pride over the accomplishments achieved by us during the past 26 years of struggle and victory. I would also want special respect to be accorded primarily to those who, in the process of the achievement of our tasks, gave their lives and next to those who sacrificed their properties and time.
All of us know that TPLF has enabled the wind of peace and democracy to blow in Ethiopia by overthrowing the anti-peace and anti-democracy Dergue regime first with the people of Tigrai and then with the broad masses of Ethiopia. In the next ten years after the downfall of the Dergue, TPLF has made use of the favorable conditions thus created and is executing its objectives in a lawful, peaceful and democratic manner. In particular, it has toiled day and night to rebuild the country, to lay down and strengthen the foundation for a democratic order and to make peace reign in all corners of our country. To make these efforts successful, extensive efforts have been exerted to make use of the full capacity of the people of our region. Consequently, encouraging results have been achieved in revitalizing the totally paralyzed economy of the country, in building a democratic governmental apparatus as well as in ensuring peace and stability throughout the country. In this process, numerous serious challenges emanating from both within and outside the organization have been encountered. In this regard, the unimagined and unexpected obstacle posed by Sha'bia merits Special consideration. Sha'bia began early playing a negative role against Ethiopia and its economy in general and against neighboring Ethiopian regions in particular. As a state neighbouring on Eritrea, Tigrai was a victim of Sha'bia's design and attacks. In this respect, there were various provocations along the border and inside Ethiopia. Different plots in terms of moving contraband goods and other acts have been hatched. Sha'bia even made repeated accusations that the rights of Eritreans living in Tigrai and around the border were not being respected. These accusations were occasioned by failure at securing undue benefits while in fact the rights of these people were respected. Even in discussions repeatedly held with Issaias, it was agreed that apart from the desire to gain additional benefits, all of the Eritreans' rights were protected. On the other hand, they turned a deaf ear to all the questions we raised about the rights of Ethiopians in Eritrea. Finally, after the issuance of its own currency, the Nakfa, Sha'bia officials issued a warning declaring that if the Nakfa were not allowed to circulate at par in both Eritrea and Ethiopia, they would consider the refusal to amount to a strangulation of their throat.
The thorough evaluation of the relation Ethiopia had with Eritrea being a part of the subject of discussion in an independent and a just forum, I want to raise only the attitude of Sha'bia towards the Council of Tigrai and the obstacles they put in our way in pursuit of acquiring undue benefits. It is evident that Sha'bia officials used to reiterate that unless the Council of Tigrai was not changed and cleaned out, Sha'bia's dreams could not be fulfilled. They were confidently saying that unless the persons they identified by name were not moved from the Council, Ethio-Eritrean relations would suffer. This attitude was shared by their foreign supporters and locally residing confidants. Their wish seems to have come true. I want to say congratulations to all of them!
This conflict between the greedy leaders of Sha'bia and the Council of Tigrai is not, as some people claim to be, about ethnicity or a desire to ensure the superiority of Tigrai, but about the desire of the leadership of Sha'bia to unlawfully become a regional power in the Horn of Africa and the need to counter this desire, in particular not to betray the national interests of the country. Sha'bia's leadership have repeatedly expressed their wish for Eritrea to become the Singapore of Africa under their rule. They wished to execute this plan mainly by controlling the resources of Ethiopia. They were engaged in the trade of foreign exchange generating commodities, in weakening and taking control of financial institutions, and in dictating trade activities through extensive legal as well as illegal investment ventures to acquire the power they needed. They also attempted to exert influence on the political and security affairs of the country. Their war of aggression against Ethiopia is an extension of this political desire and was not caused by a border conflict. They used border conflict as a pretext to further their aim.
It is clear that the leadership of Sha'bia were "legally" and illegally plundering our country and that if this were to discontinue they were intent on making it successful through force by strengthening the army. Though the army was not prepared to invade Ethiopia from the outset, it is possible to assert that later on it was making preparations towards this end. This shows that the people and the Council of Tigray were aware of the threat of invasion by Sha'bia at the beginning of September 1997.
On my part, I was among those who argued that this matter should be discussed and decided upon by the Executive Committee of the Council. However, the proposal that we should be ready for the impending invasion was defeated by a single vote and the question of the people of Tigrai was not appropriately dealt with.
Our lack of preparation has played a role in the price of failure we paid for at the beginning of the war. With the exception of a lady member of the Central Committee of TPLF and the Council of Tigrai, the members of the Council gave a vote based on the wish and resolve of the people during the heated debate on whether or not Ethiopia, which at that time was defending itself against Eritrea's aggression, would sign a document that did not safeguard its sovereignty. On my part, I couldn't give a vote which was against the expressed wish of the people. I voted that the document didn't safeguard our sovereignty. This is not a matter of just raising one's hand to give a vote. It was a matter of standing up or not standing up for the basic national issues that had a knock-on effect and concerned the interest of the whole people of Ethiopia. It was not an issue that could be considered in isolation but one which should be seen together with defending or not defending ourselves against the foreign interference that was hovering over our country. It was not an issue of war or peace that could be considered alone but one that was part of the overall issue of defending or not defending our national interest. If standing up or not standing up for this issue was just a matter of raising or not raising one's hand, all those who put up their hands are supposed to be ashamed of doing so. However, the issue raised a fundamental political question of our country. It was brought up with regard to maintaining our freedom and sovereignty. It moved the whole country. My position and conviction over the issue emanated from this consideration.
The crisis occasioned by Sha'bia's war of aggression has forced us to critically evaluate our other activities. In the effort to deeply examine the problems of TPLF, some members of the Central Committee presented our opinions in writing. On my part, I have expressed what I regard to be the problems facing TPLF and the political system we have set up. Although the issue is being suppressed, I hope that it will come out in the open when the time is ripe. I believe that the major challenge to our system and to TPLF is submisiveness. Submisiveness is lacking confidence in one's internal ability. Submissiveness is not standing firm on your conviction. Submissiveness is to betray basic national interests and rights. In general, submissiveness is an act of a mind that has not freed itself and lacks self-confidence. This problem figures prominently in our system and in TPLF. It is my belief that this problem is the reflection of out past journey. The current steps being taken against me and other veteran fighters in violation of the country's and TPLF's constitution are intended to prevent the problem from becoming public knowledge. However, it should have been realized that no idea can be suppressed by administrative measures. We should not forget that administrative measures work for a limited time. A durable guarantee for the system can never be ensured by administrative measures. They did not benefit the Dergue and other regimes.
The group in the Central Committee of the TPLF, which is in control of governmental and organizational apparatus, is engaged in exerting the utmost influence and extensive smear campaign against those of us who had expressed a different opinion. Allegations that we are involved in corruption, have embezzled millions, are anti-democratic etc. are being widely spread. I am absolutely certain that these are designed to serve a political purpose and not to ease or remove the dangers faced by the system and TPLF. It is not difficult to guess against which apparatus and against whom the allegations will be proved to be highly prevalent if they are investigated. If would have been good to investigate allegations of corruption against federal government institutions as well as members of EPRDF and TPLF in those institutions, against the Emergency Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigrai (EFFORT) and against the Government of the National State of Tigrai. How many of the members of the Central Committee who consider themselves as a majority are suspected of and rumored to be involved in corruption? What about from among the suspended Central Committee members? I would have been happy had the investigation into these matters which we had started earlier been swiftly conducted. Although it is not proper to declare myself clean in the absence of an evaluation, the people and the Council of Tigrai should know that I did not embezzle a single cent from their money or property. I would like you to know that my conscience cannot allow me to do such a thing. The accusations that I had stashed money abroad, that I had built houses and that I had bought cars is a defamation campaign previously conducted by Sha'bia and is akin to "Get him before he gets you." It is my desire that any person involved in corruption be punished by death. The present corruption being witnessed is a corruption of the intellect.
You have to understand the assertion that corruption is also a desire to emerge as a ruling class is a slogan which by destroying the crux of the matter protects thieves and criminals. I don't understand why there is no desire to fight the attitude towards corruption in concrete terms.
The other point I would like to raise is our being labeled as anti-democractic. Being a topic about which we will present our view in detail in writing if we get the opportunity, the concept of democracy has to be made clear to our people and to the Council. I don't think that democracy can be seen in isolation from the system and the institutions which the system creates. The system and its institutions protect the rights of individuals and as such these rights cannot be separately seen from the system. Actually, the system and its institutions are in place to defend the rights of the people and individuals. "When evaluated in this respect, is our political system and its institutions adequately ensure democracy? Are the individuals which run them properly doing their jobs?" These are I believe important questions. I say that these questions should be asked of our party's apparatus as well. In this regard, the fundamental question is whether or not the parliament, the cabinet and and law-enforcement institutions are properly discharging their duties with regard to the constitution of our country and our organization (TPLF).
These irreplaceable components of the system were built through our mortal struggle. Meles knows that we have identified through evaluations that the parliament and the cabinet have basic problems. The current state of things attests to the fact that the constitution of the country and TPLF are clearly being violated. The anti-democratic tendency being observed among TPLF and law-enforcement institutions is public knowledge. This being the case, if as usual we undemocratically declare that the problem is manifested at the "kebele, woreda, zone, and region level," and are not ready to "start from the top," the sickness will not be limited to the suspended members and the institutions they used to run. I would like the people of Tigrai and members of the Council to know well that the discussion of our being anti-democratic shouldn't be reduced to accusations of failing to turn up for or walking out of a meeting, etc. We argue that it should start from the top. We also say that any charge to be instituted in this regard should be thoroughly examined.
Esteemed people of Tigrai and the Regional Council !
Recently, other minor and senseless reasons were given to remove me from the Executive Committee of the Council. These are that, I did not do my job, I refused to attend meetings, I was engaged in divisive acts against TPLF and the country etc. These are just pretexts. Why is it necessary to accuse me of being absent from my work? Why am I accused of refusing to attend meetings? How many of the members of the Executive Committee of the Council were present at their jobs in the past months? Is my absence any different? I don't think so. After the invasion of our country by Sha'bia, members of the Executive Committee were repeatedly absent from our office. This was for a good reason. If we are weighed against this, not only one or two but several members should have been expelled from the committee. Concerning my refusal to attend meetings, who calls the Council's meetings and whom does he call? Examine carefully Article 50 of the constitution of the national state of Tigrai. Peruse again and again Article 56. Had the constitution of TPLF not been treated as a worthless paper, I should have convened the Council's meeting. It should be clear here that I voice my objection not because I crave power but because the constitution, which is the result of the struggle of millions, must not be violated. Meanwhile, I had requested to be permitted to express my view and give a speech but was told verbally that the request would be decided at the meeting of the Council. This issue was not debatable. However, the current situation has made it debatable. The next day I wrote a letter to the Council and was told that it would not be accepted unless I appeared in person.
The other accusation leveled against me is that of engaging in acts leading to the disintegration of TPLF and the country. It is difficult to work together if a person who has a different view is considered to be a threat to the existence of his party. A party draws strength from the existence and free flow of different ideas. I think this is the ABC of politics. I have adopted the position I took in the belief that it is important for our party and our country. The group which staged a coup in the party didn't want my position to be presented at a forum. All government media which any citizen has the right to use and all party media which any member has the right to use have been closed to us. The alternative is to express our view verbally and in writing to those who listen. If this party is to become divided, there would occur a huge political derailment. I believe that if ideas freely flow among the people, members and cadres TPLF will become stronger rather than becoming divided. Basically, the clash of ideas within a party emanates from the public. Different opinions and ideas enrich the party, not divide it. Only those who are afraid of defeat and doubt the strength of their ideas are afraid of the emergence and spread of ideas. A party does not become divided because of differences in ideas. It only becomes stronger.
Charges of dividing the country have been repeatedly stated. We were accused of plotting to stage a coup d'etat so that we could be charged with a crime. Those who are making pleas to save the country from disintegration and division either don't know Ethiopia or want to do anything they please by using this fear. To a person who knows the history of Ethiopia, it is not a country that can disintegrate because of bad leaders or because of individuals and parties who have wrong ideas. It was not because of a good democratic governance that Ethiopia did not break up during the last one hundred years. At least, the Haile-Selassie and Dergue regimes were anti-democratic regimes. However, Ethiopia did not break up. Living together while fighting anti-democratic regimes has been Ethiopia's history. There has never been and there is no imminent Armageddon. The catchword that Ethiopia is breaking up is an excuse intended to justify the violation of the constitution of the country and the party, to enable reactionaries to seize power under the pretext of saving the country from disintegration. To those who reflect on the issue at length, they will wonder on issues such as: Who broke her up in a short period of time? Who maintained her unity? My conscience knows that I always work to strengthen, to prevent the breaking up of the country and have never engaged in acts which are the reverse. People can attest to this fact. Like the rest, this is a charge laid by those who want to silence differing ideas by way of administrative measures.
In conclusion, the measures presently being taken against me and other comrades are primarily aimed at silencing the political questions which enhance our fundamental programs and principles. In addition, these measures prevent the defects observed in our journey such as the invasion by Sha'bia, corruption and anti-democratic attitudes from becoming exposed. The questions we raised are the ideals I have fought for over half of my life time and I would like to affirm that I still firmly believe in them now. The other point is the repeated violation of the constitution of the region and TPLF. The emergency meeting of the Council contravenes the constitution of the region. The injustices committed against members of parliament, comrades who have a differing view, have been highlighted time and again. I cannot condone their (the injustice's) commission for the supposed purpose of preserving the well-being of the country. The constitution and the party's internal rule best serve during a time of crisis. Outside of this, they don't have a meaning. They are the result of a long struggle and sacrifice. The violation of these basic principle should be weighed against the accusation that we walked out of a meeting in disregard of the pleas in the name of martyrs. I refuse to participate in a meeting which violates the party's constitution in order to respect the word of martyrs. The constitution of the party is the word of martyrs. The same is true of the constitution of the country. Both are meant to safeguard the security of millions. This issue should not be associated with walking out of a meeting at all. History teaches us that dictatorship triumphs when the fundamental laws which are the fruits of the wishes of and the sacrifice paid by millions are violated. I, at least, don't want to be a part of this. I want this to be understood by the people and the Council of Tigrai. In general, I don't think that it is right to echo the accusation that we are not willing to submit to the will of the majority. We will obey our party when we believe that the party's by-laws are respected and we uphold correct our principles. I have always obeyed orders and did what I was told to do like everyone else even in the face of death. I did not shik my duties in the fear of death. I am ready to perform my duty providing the party’s constitution is adhered to. To me, a party signifies its constitution, the appartus established by it, the party’s principles and program. When these are present, the party exists. When these are respected, the party lives. If they are not respected, the party will not have a life. My conscience does not allow me to accept the violation of the party's constitution, other laws and principles which are the fruits of martyrs. Anybody who is willing to declare that he has a party when such basic defects are observed in it can go the way he chooses. On my part, I have been entrusted by the people and the party’s congress and took an oath so that the matters I raised above are not violated and eroded. I don’t owe allegiance to anything else. It is only because of this that I am regarded as a criminal and being expelled from various party and governmental institutions.
Victory to our party’s principle!Away with submissiveness!
Gebru Asrat
[Opinions in this article are solely that of the writer.]