In Defence of Ethiopia

(The February 2002 Verdict in The Hague)

By: Samuel Fasika

Scholars such as Belai Abai, Prof. Negussie Ayele, Dagmawi and others have articulated Ethiopia's case for the sea access in a very convincing and persuasive manner. The natural formation of the land, historical ties and international treaties are solid reasons for Assab to be included within the Ethiopian territory. The will and aspirations of the Afar people to remain Ethiopian, national security concerns and economic security, forces one to accept that Ethiopia deserves to have its own sea access. The purpose of this note is not to add more value to the articulation of these scholars but to reiterate their points and bring the reader's attention to the enormous negative implication of the demarcation/delimitation process that is unfolding as we speak.

There have been quite few times when Ethiopia's existence as a viable nation has been challenged. In almost all these cases the leaders of the country had to patch up their regional administrative differences and rally against a common enemy. All that was done to safeguard the sanctity and integrity of the nation- a nation that is admired and respected by genuine people of the world and seen with envy and contempt by the wicked and the vengeful. The history of the nation is full of testimonials to the resiliency and determination of its people. Save the Meles regime, Ethiopians of all walks of life have once again shown that undisputed characteristics of Ethiopians when they challenged Issayas' further expansionist dream in the 1998 war.

But its internal detractors are proving to be a real challenge. The present regimes headed by Mr Issayas and Ato Meles have so far succeeded in dividing the nation into separate entities. They have created a state called Eritrea - an anathema to Ethiopia. Mr Issayas has indirectly, directly and openly stated that his country's existence is contingent upon the destruction of Ethiopia. His hitherto activities are a living testimony. Ato Meles of Ethiopia is set to fulfil Issayas' dream by signing a permanent agreement on demarcation and delimitation in February 2002. That treaty would tie Ethiopia's hand in its quest for a fair and legitimate demand for an ownership of a sea outlet. International bodies and world governments would fault Ethiopia of the future- an Ethiopia governed and led by Ethiopians that value their citizenship- in the measures that it will take to right the wrongs of the past. As to Mr Issayas, he has nothing to lose from this demarcation process but everything to gain. It is not without reason that his ambassadors all over the world are confidently talking about the binding nature of the Hague arbitration, and gloating unabashedly with joy. The statement of Isayas' Ambassador in Kenya is a case in point. They indeed have a reason to be joyous. They have a trusting partner in Ato Meles who unashamedly stated before the eyes of world diplomats that Assab is an ‘Eritrean' Territory. With that confirmation in place, Mr Issayas' camp, with a further prospect of gaining more land in the Burre, Zalambessa and Badme area, is declaring that it has already won the championship bout.

Indeed it has. That is why they both look forward for the month of February 2002 as an expectant couple. It will be the birth of a full-fledged nation called Eritrea that was in the making by Mr Issayas and Ato Meles group for the last thirty years. In Ethiopia it will be remembered as a day of infamy, of betrayal by those in power, and a day when a poisonous seed for further destruction is planted.

But the fight is not yet over!

No governing body- let alone one that has usurped power through the power of a gun, through intimidation coercion, extra-judicial killings, imprisonments- has the legal authority to negotiate demarcation of borders and cessation of lands to a third party. Full involvement of the populace, through different mechanisms including referendums have to be implemented before anything that permanently alters the face of the nation is negotiated away. Our legal experts have already made the case for this; therefore I have no intention of revisiting it. But one thing every Ethiopian has to understand is the responsibility that is burdened upon it in making this case known to the world bodies in a loud and clear manner.

Then, what is to be done?

A lot.

To start with, Ethiopians should not sit idle. There seems to be temporary fatigue with Ethiopian intellectuals, political organizations and interested groups. Voices of genuine opposition, and concerted efforts by concerned bodies to make Ethiopia's case do not seem to gain the expected momentum. The effort to reconcile all Ethiopians and bring them under one broad issue of national interest is not apparent. This must change. It is true that the case for Ethiopia has been made over the past ten years. Albeit, not in an organized and efficient way. But this time it must be done differently. The voices of Ethiopians have to be heard. Decision makers should note their concerns and aspirations.

The current regime has once again proved that it does not represent the interest of Ethiopia and Ethiopians. Even those that had given it a benefit of the doubt have lost hope and are joining the majority in exposing the nature of the system. This regime will not rest until its seemingly hidden mandate of legitimising Eritrea is complete. Beyond any reasonable doubt, the Meles leadership has proved that it won't rest until the demarcation delimitation process is resolved in favour of Issayas. It does not even seem to care about its survival as a government once this task is fulfilled.

Cognizant of this fact and convinced that this government does not represent the interest of the country, all our efforts should focus to presenting our legitimate concerns, demands and objections to world bodies who are set to give a verdict based on sloppy evidences. Worse, one of the clients has no legal representation. This agreement to be bound by arbitration is a hoax concocted by Mr Issayas and Ato Meles. On the issue of border demarcation/delimitation there is no any disagreement between the two. Therefore, there is nothing to arbiter between the two men.

In less than two months Ato Meles, by signing a binding ‘arbitration' document will finalize the creation of a new country called Eritrea.

Hence, a cal for all country people and friends of Ethiopia- all from the Ethiopianist scholars to common fair minded person-to act NOW. Act not to persuade Ato Meles to change his position, but act to make our voices heard once and fore all. World governments and international organizations must hear from the citizens of Ethiopia. They must be made to understand that Ethiopia and Ethiopians can't be forced to accept treaties under duress. They should not pass any verdict until Ethiopia is lawfully represented and all evidences are presented. They must be told not to repeat the mistakes of the1940's. In those unforgettable years the world bodies in order to appease and assist the fascists of Italy led by Mussolini humiliated Ethiopia. In the same manner the US government and other democratic countries should know that Ethiopia is not represented in this arbitration process by a legitimate and representative government.

Specifically we should:


In addition we should let it be known that the OAU, EU, The US and other international bodies have broken international laws and agreements by creating a separate state out of a legitimately constituted world member nation.

Those that are poised to make unprecedented decisions must hear the above and other concerns.

As Ethiopians and its friends, our only collective tool and power at this juncture of our history is our unity in articulating the case for Ethiopia. This must be made unequivocally and firmly. In one strong voice, we must tell the world bodies that every Ethiopian considers any deal signed by Mr Issayas and Ato Meles on border demarcation null and void. History must record this in an unambiguous manner.

This must be the one and only political issue that all grass root organizations, community groups, political groups, faith groups and all concerned justice seeking bodies should endorse. The survival of a viable nation that is stable, peaceful and capable of feeding its own people is at stake because of a deal that is being brewed by Mr Issayas and Ato Meles.

Recently, I have been encouraged by the publications launched by a group called Tigrean International Solidarity Committee ( TISJ). Their recent drive to gather petitions for UN and OAU should be supported by all Ethiopians. Beyond this current drive, what pleasantly surprised me was the effort by the Tigrean community in North America and intellectuals who have been for the most part supporters of Mr Meles, to join the struggle to protect Ethiopia's interest. This is a very welcome development, and it is through these developments, compromises, and agreement on major national issues and dialogues that one could bring salvation to Ethiopia.

Political organization in Ethiopia and abroad, and civic organizations have to make efforts to address the Ethiopian issue in the Hague deliberations. They should drive the message that Ethiopia's best interest is not represented in this process; therefore successive government will not be bound by any decisions that are coming from the Hague. Bodies that have the infrastructure should convene national and international meetings to come out with one document to this effect. This document of declaration should be preserved as a historical document that challenges the legality of what will take place in the Hague in February 2002.

Let's not fall prey to the posturing of some Ethiopian officials who are now crying foul. In the first place they are talking about small technicalities that have no major impact on Ethiopia's main interest, mainly sea access, and the wishes and aspirations of the border area people. More importantly it is just simple posturing. A day or so ago the foreign Minister of Ethiopia was heard saying that his government will take action in areas where the guarantors (OAU, US, UN, Algeria) failed. This is simply preposterous and deceptive. A year or so ago Ethiopians were lured to believe that the Foreign Minister, Seyoum Mesfin, was a man of good heart. He has proven us all wrong. The seemingly patriotic stand that he portrayed to have was simply non-existent. His position on the war with Eritrea as disclosed recently has laid him bare.

Time for procrastination is over. Individual Ethiopians expect political groupings and parties inside and outside the country to take this initiative and come up with an idea that galvanize all citizens.

Let me conclude by quoting Dagmawi. Dagmawi wrote the following on September 5, 2000, just before he closed his website.

"The future of Assab will be decided permanently in the post-TPLF era. This is the time when the Ethiopian government should renounce all secret, illegal, EPLF-TPLF pacts which compromised Ethiopia's national interests. The post-TPLF Ethiopian government should make a formal claim on the Assab autonomous region and patiently wait for the opportune moment to exercise this claim. It may take 20 years, it may take 50 years, but the Ethiopian government should never compromise on an issue of fundamental national interest such as this. "

Dagmawi, Sep 5,2000
Our action now will pave the way for future generations to reclaim what is theirs.




[Opinions in this article are solely that of the writer.]


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