Looking Beyond the Current Affairs
A Commentary
By: Mulu Gidey Halefom
Introduction
Most of what is written below is not an original idea. But the increasing degree of concern about Ethiopia’s stability and future destiny of its people demands that we reiterate some of the basic things that need our immediate attention. Every positive energy expended, every good intention shared, and every constructive contribution made by a concerned Ethiopian goes a long way in helping attain peace, stability and social harmony in the country we dearly call ours. It is in this spirit that I share my thoughts.
It is possible that history may term the reign of Meles Zenawi as the most complex, uncertain and trying era of the country. It is my assumption that, even during the difficult times of the Italian Fascist invasion, the country had a network of patriots that had kept her united until the day of liberation. Now, the internal making of its ‘leaders’ is threatening to shred the fabrics that had kept her intact for centuries. What we are questioning here is not the intention but the actions of those at the top hierarchy of power.
No doubt that again our country is at a critical juncture. No one group has the magic power to reverse this unfortunate trend of mutual suspicion that has the potential of leading us to mutual destruction. Unless we are all prepared to appreciate our current affairs and look for possible compromises, we will be doomed to failure. As naive as it may seem, this call is for politicians of Ethiopia to stop politicking for one moment and put their feet in the common person’s shoes. A solution and counter solutions are being proposed on their behalf. But they are being kept in the dark. This fierce struggle and strong opposing opinions are leading to an animosity. Animosity and the resulting attitudes and actions for vengeance may have an instant gratification for the vengeful, but the late effect is fatal. It destroys the foundation.
The purpose of this article is only to amplify the big picture; to look beyond power and group interests. No attempt is made to suggest solutions to many problems it raises. That task requires an extensive research. This piece concludes by calling for a national conference of all political groups and interested individuals for a national reconciliation.
Hopes and Disappointments
In the beginning there was a hope that the overthrowing of the most brutal dictatorial regime of Mengistu Hailemariam, will bring peace and stability to the country. There was a wish that since there is no more a system that supports the national ‘oppressor’, all rebel groups will share the fruits of their ‘labour’ amicably. Hence, all good hearted and rational people theorized that these rebel groups would rule the country fairly and equitably allowing democratic rights to be exercised by the citizenry. Except for very few visionary observers, many of us failed to see that our new leaders will make an ethnically based political administration their benchmark.
The last ten years have been tense in terms of relationships between the ethnic groups of the country. This is a dangerous development that should worry all Ethiopians irrespective of their political outlooks. Of course, in a region where there are many nationalities, any arrangement that is geared towards addressing and redressing the wrongs of the past is fully appreciated. In the process one expects resistance and excesses during the implementation of changes. However, if these changes and actions are made by a broad representative government, the problems will not have the chance to escalate into major obstacles.
This decade, in more ways than before, has seen intellectuals of different ethnic groups losing their intellect and succumbing to their ethnic ‘interest’. They were slow in realizing that these ethnic interests could be adequately addressed within the bounds of a strong national government. Many have not yet freed themselves from that mode of thinking. Cooperation and not competition is the key for a harmonious development in any multicultural society. Contrary to this principle, those that took the power from Mengistu, grasped the word competition as if this is a marketplace for commodity exchanges. They planted the seed of separateness.
Sharing the Blame
All eyes are deservedly focussed on the EPRDF government. But many groups have done their share in the build up of ethnic suspicion, and to some extent ethnic hatred in our society. Ethnic suspicions were fostered through denial of the presence of ethnic subjugation, blaming one ethnic group for all the mishaps, and condemnation of one ethnic group for all wrongs of the past. In actual fact the culprit was the feudal system that existed in Ethiopia for hundreds of years.
Ethnicity has been identified as an issue for several decades now. Ethnic inequality is not a false creation. It is a challenge that has to be tackled delicately. In the last two decades, especially in the last ten years, some observers say that even Ethiopians of the rural areas have become very much ethnic conscious. Any suggestion forwarded by a genuine body to rectify the pitfalls of narrow nationalism may be construed to mean a move to take away the liberties these communities have attained through their struggles. It will be a grave mistake not to recognize some of the positive things that have been achieved after the coming of the EPRDF, and even during the Derg regime for that matter.
Intellectuals and Ethnic Identification
At the outset let me state that to identify oneself with an ethnic group and practice the norms and cultures of that group is one exercise that should be appreciated and encouraged. A person is, among others things, a product of his her immediate surrounding. One that neglects his/ her immediate surroundings, cultures and language can’t be trusted to care for other common traits. It is, therefore, important to clarify that the ensuing discussion is conducted with this appreciation in mind. It should also serve as a message to those that condemn every act of displaying ethnic related activities as divisive that such characterization is wrong. Now, I believe people are realizing the dangers associated with the current system of governance. No nationality, no group of people in Ethiopia, in all the world for that matter, can fulfill its ideals in isolation. Even on a global level, cooperation has become the magic word. The Americans have a Free Trade Zone, the Europeans have formed a Union, and so do the Africans. It boggles one’s mind why our leaders chose the ‘isolationist’ route. In the case of our country, that line of thinking rejects the fact that there is an Ethiopian culture and an Ethiopian ethos that have evolved through centuries of interactions of the people that inhabit this enviable land.
The Tigrean Case
The most dominant group, if not the only dominant, in the current government is the TPLF. As an organization claiming to represent the whole of Tigray, it is logical that it picks and recruits its members from this region. Hence, it is expected that the Tigrean intellectual has been a focus point and a target by both the TPLF government and other opposition elements outside and within the country. It is interesting to note that some notable writers/intellectuals from other Ethiopian ethnic group/s have criticized the Tigrean intellectual for not strongly coming out against the Meles government. An extra responsibility was put on the Tigreans. They implied that this section of the Tigrean community will prove its ‘Ethiopianess’ only if it comes out en masse and condemns Meles. This condescending attitude is of course ludicrous. It must be noted that no one group has the authority, moral or real, to bestow Ethiopianess or deny it. The conduct of an aberrant or aberrants is neither necessary nor sufficient reason to characterize the sector as such. This is surely unfair, and does not of course speak well of the individuals who promote these thoughts.
Generally speaking, the following can be said about this section of our society. The Tigrean intellectual has been in the dark for the last ten years. For the purpose of illustration, this can be looked into through the following lenses.
A very small minority of Tigreans has been vocal in rejecting the political administrative system of the TPLF dominated administration. For the last ten years they have taken upon themselves the responsibility of condemning both extremes. On the one hand, they scrupulously attack the ethnic policies of the current government, its sell-out stand on the national interest of the country in terms of the issue of the people bordering ‘Eritrea’ and the Assab outlet, the negotiation with Eritrea and the question of national reconciliation. On the other hand they consistently argued against the chauvinistic attitudes of some groups and personalities that denied and continue to deny the ethnic/nationality inequalities that have persisted in our country for quite some time now. This group has even to stand up against some deluded personalities who characterize the Tigrean ethnic group as cancerous. These problems cannot be wished away.
This small minority, true to the principles of fairness and justice, has been a convenient target both by the TPLF dominated Ethiopian government, and the opposition elements.
The second group comprises the majority. One may term this section as confused, or even as subdued. Although it experienced discomfort about the policies of the Meles led TPLF, it never came up in the open and vocally express its opposition to the ethnic policies of TPLF. Fear of reprisal against self and family members, lack of alternative political groups to rely on, and personal engagements maybe sighted as reasons for this manifestation. Indeed, judging from the internal security workings of the TPLF and the viciousness of their measures against their ‘own’ that we are currently witnessing, one may not easily disqualify the issue of security. The position of many anti-government organizations was not a conducive environment either. Their support for addressing the nationality issues was construed to mean support for TPLF. Mirroring the TPLF leadership, many opposition elements categorized all Tigreans as TPLF supporters bent on dominating the rest of Ethiopians. Tigrean intellectuals who felt cornered by both sides found it helpful to play an indifferent and sometimes submissive role.
Thanks to the within party crisis ( of TPLF), many are now coming out and aligning with other Ethiopians in appreciating Ethiopia’s political crisis.
There is a third group. This is the opportunist element that blows with the wind. Individuals in this group shortsightedly and erroneously think that their ‘homeland’ will prosper under this kind of ethnic focussed system. Consequently, they think that they will be beneficiaries of the prosperity that will ensue. This group that consists of a very vocal minority is the core supporter of TPLF. These are elements that do what they do knowingly. Their opportunistic nature makes them dangerous. Hidden interests, short term gains and familial ties are what they stand for.
Let no one group take comfort. It should not be seen as if the Tigrean group that is sighted above uniquely exhibits these characteristics. The above general classification universally applies to all intellectual groups of Ethiopia that have been lured to think ‘ethnically’. No one can claim any immunity from this virulent disease.
The task of any concerned Ethiopian should be to help a fellow compatriot to see and realize his/her mistake. It is a gross error to judge people based on their ethnic background. One needs to be informed that there are alternative choices to make. The trend in almost all of our communities is rejection, suspicion and condemnation of one by the other. It doesn’t take much to realize that we will not be able to make any positive contribution to our country unless we repent our past and commit ourselves to work for reconciliation.
Where We Are and What We Should Aim for
The fact is this. No ethnic grouping represents the various nationalities of our country. The truth is these groups and organizations use ethnicity in order to gain and hold power. The result now is suspicion and resentment among many members of the various ethnic groups. On the one hand we see politicians, instead of criticizing the political system, pointing their fingers on community of people based on ethnic categorization. On the other hand we have people with an extreme denial of the inequalities that have existed in the past. A middle ground, a medium that depicts the truth, must be found.
People who believe that all Tigreans are TPLF members are similar to the TPLF leaders in their thinking. They are equally parochial. Our people need a breathing space. They have no wish to remain within the enclaves constructed for them by ethnic war lords. Certainly the Ethiopian from Tigrai region wants to call home every bit of the land within the Ethiopian territory. So does the Amhara, the Oromo, the Kunama, the Gurage, the Somali, the Afar, the Ethiopian of each and every ethnic affinity. But the current administrative system effectively blocks that kind of Ethiopian nation building. If the original intent of this administration was to create a sense of equality, justice and cooperation amongst all Ethiopians, the indicators are that it has miserably failed.
The other fact is we lack a leadership that takes all aspects of the problems of our country, the wish and desire of our people for peace, for freedom of movement and all the good aspirations into account. Ethiopians are still yearning for that opportunity. We should realize that God has given us the ability and the wisdom to change our destiny. We should not wait for the said opportunity to come from the Heavens as Manna. Let us use that wisdom. A common destiny can be chartered only through a common action. Hence, our reason for the call for national reconciliation.
These days, people seem to come to their senses, albeit slowly. Tigrean groups are now emerging and trying to mend the relationships with other political groupings. Some groups are welcoming these changes. Of course politicians being what they are, each may want to use the other for own political ends. But that will be a disaster no less of a magnitude to that of the current government. Instead, a common agenda should be struck. One should try to take to heart the fear of the other. People need to realize that there is no a win-it-all solution for any particular body in this game. A strategy that will make each and every sector of our society a winner must be struck. And let each and every one of us vows to support a group or groups that come out with this kind of strategy.
As an Ethiopian, I happen to know, or at least sense, as I do with the rest of the country, what the aspiration of the common man and women from Tigray is. It is the basic essentials to support life, peace, stability, the freedom to move and live anywhere. And if possible a minimum support from the government. Or to be more precise, for the government to leave it free to fetch for its living and use its industrious ingenuity to support its loved ones. This is not too much to ask.
The Meles government must know that there is no such thing called ‘separate but equal’. At least that kind of administration will not be functional in Ethiopia. The past decade is a testimony for the failure. These ethnic enclaves at the minimum are devised, perhaps inadvertently, to stifle the growth of a common Ethiopian nationalism. At worst, they will plant a wedge between our people that may eventually lead to civil wars and common destruction. Surely, that is not something that anyone would expect from its leaders. To be an Ethiopian is to capitalize on what is common to all, to appreciate the unique identity of the constituents, to embrace the diversity and enrich the Ethiopian common culture.
It is imperative that all Ethiopians voice their dissatisfaction to what is going on in the country as one whole unit. In the name of corruption those elements that are opposed to the Meles clique are now being hunted and incarcerated one by one. The President of the country is now effectively being kicked out. The Foreign Minister, it is rumoured, is at odds with the Prime Minister over the later’s actions. Meles is eradicating those that he thinks are a menace to his increasingly dictatorial regime. His actions and words are becoming more and more peremptory.
Some elements think that this is a problem restricted to the ruling party, a skirmish amongst the TPLF leadership. Hence, they argue, this is of no concern to them. I submit that this kind of thinking is a myopic. One that seeks a national reconciliation to materialize should use every known opportunity to build a working coalition. Many have different concepts of leadership and ideology and that is precisely why reconciliation is needed. It is thus, a national duty that all groups that have fundamental differences with the ruling party come together to make the valuable contribution of keeping the country united.
Conclusion of sorts
What has been stated is the obvious. The questions facing the country in terms of addressing the issue of ethnic administration are clear. What does ethnic competition which is dubbed as regional competition entail? How will it affect the relationships between a resource rich and resource scarce regions or communities? What is the implication on transfer of resources from rich to poor regions? Does it enhance the concept that the resources of the country are equally shared by all participants? How does it help build an Ethiopian nationalism? These are a very few among many crucial questions one has to pose in these kinds of administrative settings.
We don’t have the answers for these complex questions. But one thing is clear. There will not be a solution without inclusion. We must stop and contemplate the big picture. The Government of Meles Zenawi must pause and see where its actions are taking it. I recognize that all reasonable reminders and calls have previously fallen on deaf ears. The Meles regime’s propensity to listen to criticisms and genuine requests is very weak. But the roads must be tried, nonetheless. By now it is clear to all that what is being done in the country in the name of corruption is indeed a way to weed off other power contestants. Corruption is an intrinsic problem associated with luck of democracy, hence accountability.
Opposition must be tolerated. The government must realize that, more than ever, a conference for reconciliation is the call of the day. This conference should include each and every group that claims to have a stake in the country. However divisive, irrelevant or small a group may happen to be, its right to participate in assessing the needs of the country must be respected.
In concrete terms the following actions could be taken by all who have a stake in the country.
- Representatives of political groups, civic organizations, ‘Shimagles’ and individuals with good will need to conduct a meeting as soon as possible. Religious organizations and other human right institutions that may contribute positively towards the conduct of a constructive gathering may also take part in the meeting. The purpose of the meeting is to: a) come out with a minimum working guide, b) to construct major agenda items on major national issues.
- The above body will call for a national reconciliation gathering that will be held in Ethiopia. The necessary arrangements, guarantees and other logistical problems are details that have to be worked out in the process. The involvement of international organizations and governments to help in the preparation and conduct of the meeting may prove to be vital. If the Ethiopian government seizes the moment and calls for a meeting aimed at reconciliation, opposition elements and concerned individuals should not be caught off-guard. Hence, the necessity of taking a pro-active role in preparing for this possibility. If and when this gathering happens, it is vital that all public media be available to all parties. The Ethiopian government has a wrong belief that the public media ( that it calls ‘government media’) can only be used for the government use only. It must be impressed upon the government leaders that a tax paying citizen has a right to be informed from all sides.
A united pan-Ethiopian voice is something that should not be undermined. It will be heard and it will make a difference. As it stands now what it lacks is leadership with a vision and articulation.The agenda of the day must be how to work towards an internal cohesion. An agenda to secure a strong commitment from all interested on questions of national interests needs to be the major focus. In order to do that accusations and counter-accusations of very personal nature should cease to happen. The spirit of cooperation and compromise should prevail. It is my hope that this atmosphere will clear the way for discussing and resolving, in the spirit of one common Ethiopia, the more fundamental issues of federal administration system, relationships with our neighbours, border demarcations, and the Asseb sea outlet - issues that have deservedly occupied the hearts and minds of Ethiopians for quite some time now. It is taking us too much time to recognize that we are all in it together. Separate ways spell enmity, destruction and continuous conflicts. A commitment to share, unite, embrace and appreciate our country’s history and norms creates the condition for prosperity. We have squandered our resources. We, the elites, the intellectuals, have failed miserably in the past. It is the time to do it right. Let the spirit of Haile Gebreselassie and the other Ethiopian Olympians, the spirit of ‘Yichalal’reign upon us all. Remember, the alternative is disastrous.
[Opinions in this article are solely that of the writer.]