Hail the People of Tigray, Defenders of Ethiopian Sovereignty and Custodians of its Civilization
By: Ghelawdewos Araia
It all began in Tigray. Tigray is the cradle and hub of Ethiopia's ancient civilization. In Tigray, Ethiopia's future seems to contend its past while the present testifies cyclical historical events as constant reminders of the distant and near past. In Tigray, the modern period seems to lend the requisite touch of antiquity, as if to deliberately endure uninterrupted Ethiopian political state. After all, this quintessentially Ethiopian northern regional state is the plain field of ancient civilization and unparalleled conventional wisdom, and as the custodian to that epic African ingenuity.
By virtue of its geographical location, Tigray too was the linchpin and bulwark in the struggle for Ethiopian independence (Amba Alagie, Mekelle, Adwa, Maichew). In addition, Tigray is microcosm Ethiopia in its ethnic composition, in spite of the use of Tigrigna as lingua franca across the board in the regional state. It is home to the predominantly Tigrigna speakers as well as the bilingual Kunama, Agaw, Soho, Afar, and the Raya-Azebo, a blend of Tigrigna and Oromo cultures.
Ethiopia's manifest destiny as a great nation was preordained in Tigray a long time ago when Aphilas expanded the empire of Aksum in the last quarter of the 3rd century A.D. (circa 270 A.D.); by Ezana in the middle of the 4th century A.D. and by Kaleb in the first quarter of the 6th century A.D.
With the advent of nation and empire building also arose the perennial destiny of a rich Ethiopian culture, pride, and principles, and above all the determination to remain free and never succumb to any hegemony that could possibly undermine or jeopardize Ethiopia's independence. It is of course a blessing to have a bounty of historical treasure and a people jealously guarding it, but a curse of drawbacks and shortcomings as natural attributes to this kind of society are apt to develop as well.
Like other socio-cultural and politico-economic entities, Tigray has also produced bad apples. There were some individuals, who happen to be dignitaries, who betrayed the cause of the Ethiopian nation by either handling over Ethiopian territory to and/or collaborating with the Italians. And the splashing reemergence of those traitors within the ranks of the TPLF should not be surprising. Germany has produced world famous giant philosophers but it also gave to the world a menace human beast by the name Hitler.
The dazzling of human creativity will awe any traveler who sojourns in Tigray, not to mention the impressive social fabric transmitted from generation to generation. Moreover, like all other Ethiopians, the adoptive nature of the people of Tigray has enabled them to guarantee the survival of Ethiopian independence through their resilience and resolve. But there is a marked difference between the earlier struggle and the present struggle.
What makes unique the present struggle from past struggles is that the people of Tigray (as well as other Ethiopians) were led by patriotic leaders. At present, when they have demonstrated leadership and initiative, the national leadership has ostensibly tailgated and even counter attacked the peoples actions of safeguarding the Ethiopian frontier. Long before the Ethiopain-Eritrean conflict, the vigilante-type people's actions on the Agame, Afar, and Shire fronts are well documented and testified by those who closely followed the Tigrayan experience. This same experience has now culminated, as expected, by the gallant Irob, ever defiant and wonderful Ethiopians, and they incidentally inspire this article.
As reported by the Ethiopian Reporter (May 5 and June 23, 2003), the Irob have told the world in no uncertain terms: "We will not accept the decision of the Boundary Commission, we will die in our land; unless we all perish, our land will not be given away." These magnificent Ethiopians are spearheaded by grassroots leaders such as Ato Desta Tesfay, Abba Misgina Woldu, Ato Hagos Miratch, Ato Gebriel Tekie, Ato Zewdu Assefa, Ato Kahsay Zigita, Ato Woldu Abraha, Ato Germia Hagos, Ato Hailemichael Tessema, Ato Bahta Medhin, Ato Nguse Meles, and many other brave Ethiopians.
While the Irob have exhibited unparalleled stamina and determination (and indeed this can be called the highest form of altruism) on the ground, other Tigrayans on the media front have been contributing tirelessly. At the forefront of the media struggle for Ethiopian sovereignty and territorial integrity are Tigrayan-led websites (Ethiomedia, DekiAlula, Tigraynet); websites and radios (Solidarity-TISJD- and Ethiopian Commentator); e-forum (Tigraynet with its slogan "victory to Ethiopia"), home to the oldest Tigrayan protagonists who were and are still promoting Ethiopia's national interest.
I can't speak for the above various cyber media in relation to their views on the volatile Ethiopian situation, including the recent Petition pertaining to "protesting" the decision of the Boundary Commission and presented to PM Meles. At face value, the Petition could be perceived as a gratifying posture, but given the political stance of the Palace Group, I, for one, have considerable misgivings, reservations, and skepticism. I wish I could be wrong, but it seems this petition derive is yet another time buying and delaying tactic.
I have yet to witness EPRDF's coherent and rational verbal sequence tantamount to the unequivocal defense of Ethiopian sovereignty. Why is the EPRDF-led government in Addis Ababa unable to openly declare the Boundary Commission decision null and void? Why would the same government come up with frivolous explanations and fabricated petitions? Why can't the government just voice the demand of the people and respect their initiative?
The answers to the above questions could perhaps be best attributed to the very nature of the TPLF. While the majority of the TPLF fighters (Tegadelti) were sincere and genuine, the organization had been bewitched by numerous political problems since its inception. When the TPLF inaugurated its struggle in 1975, it had no clear agenda (self-determination or total liberation for the people of Tigray), but in concrete terms it was advocating for the cessation of Tigray from Ethiopia. But to be fair to the TPLF, at one point in its history (1981, 1982, 1983), it had declared that it was not a secessionist organization and is not opposed to the voluntary unity of the Tigrayan people with other peoples of Ethiopia, but "if the people continue to lead a degrading social and economic life...as a last resort, the people would opt for the formation of an independent democratic republic."
The people of Tigray, however, could neither fathom nor accept an independent Tigrayan republic. In fact, they were puzzled by the conundrum of 'who is liberating who?' 'who liberates us from us (liberating Ethiopians from Ethiopians!). But, thanks to the Derg and the Mengistu regime, this Tigrayan conceptual framework of Ethiopianness and political equation had fundamentally changed. When the Derg arrested, strangled the youth of Tigray and wantonly destroyed Tigrayan villages, the TPLF was not only embraced by the people but also became a popular front in the true sense of the word.
In the end, however, it is the Tigrayan people in general and the Tigrayan mother in particular who are the biggest losers. Contrary to a liberating agenda, the TPLF has become a nightmare to the people of Tigray through its deception and false generosity (Lam Ale'chin Ba'semay We'tet'wa'nim Alay) and by systematically emasculating the ontological and historical vocation of the Ethiopian desire to remain free. And this ugly encounter is worse in Tigray where the people's dream of a democratic and prosperous Ethiopia was totally shattered. On the contrary, they had yet to send their sons and daughters to the Badme, Tserona, Zalambessa, and Bure fronts, and as they have done in the past - throughout recorded Ethiopian history - they once again hosted and offered their depleted resources to their Ethiopian brethren who have come to Tigray to sacrifice for Ethiopia's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Incidentally, this unprecedented Ethiopian unity exhibited on the ground in Tigray was at once a sigh of relief and pride for Ethiopians who love their country, but it was a frightening experience to the internal and external enemies (with necrophilic world outlook) of Ethiopia.
Sometimes, history has no mercy. While organizations, with a pan-Ethiopia agenda, like the EPRP were relegated to the dustbin, the TPLF, with virtually no Ethiopian agenda (except for the haphazard EPRDF political program), ascended to power to govern Ethiopia. While genuine sons and daughters of Ethiopia became sacrificial lambs (this include the thousands of TPLF fighters), champion sycophants and pathological liars, with their hilarious political hymn, assumed power. History is indeed merciless.
Nevertheless, as I have argued all along, history has also pleasant surprises. In the not distant future, I gather (this is just my wish), that will be the day when the people of Ethiopia extend their gratitude to their Tigrayan brothers and sisters, and having blessed their vanguard role, will invite them to come and sit under the shade of the New Flower (Addis Ababa) and find a newly reconstituted democratic Ethiopia.
[Opinions in this article are solely that of the writer.]